By Gary Littlejohn (auth.)
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Submit 12 months observe: First released December nineteenth 2013
Russia is known for its vodka, and its tradition of utmost intoxication. yet simply as vodka is valuable to the lives of many Russians, it's also critical to figuring out Russian historical past and politics.
In Vodka Politics, Mark Lawrence Schrad argues that debilitating societal alcoholism isn't hard-wired into Russians' genetic code, yet really their autocratic political process, which has lengthy wielded vodka as a device of statecraft. via a chain of old investigations stretching from Ivan the bad via Vladimir Putin, Vodka Politics offers the key heritage of the Russian kingdom itself-a historical past that's sopping wet in liquor. Scrutinizing (rather than brushing aside) the function of alcohol in Russian politics yields a extra nuanced knowing of Russian heritage itself: from palace intrigues below the tsars to the drunken antics of Soviet and post-Soviet management, vodka is there in abundance.
Beyond shiny anecdotes, Schrad scours unique records and archival proof to reply to provocative ancient questions. How have Russia's rulers used alcohol to solidify their autocratic rule? What function did alcohol play in tsarist coups? used to be Nicholas II's ill-fated prohibition a catalyst for the Bolshevik Revolution? may perhaps the Soviet Union became a global strength with no liquor? How did vodka politics give a contribution to the cave in of either communism and public well-being within the Nineties? How can the Kremlin triumph over vodka's hurdles to provide higher social health and wellbeing, prosperity, and democracy into the future?
Viewing Russian historical past throughout the backside of the vodka bottle is helping us to appreciate why the "liquor question" continues to be very important to Russian excessive politics even today-almost a century after the difficulty were positioned to mattress in such a lot another sleek nation. certainly, spotting and confronting vodka's devastating political legacies could be the maximum political problem for this new release of Russia's management, in addition to the following
An ancient advent to the eu Union is a chronological political background of eu integration from the Fifties to the current. it is also a contextualising survey of wider eu heritage because the 1600s, and locations unification opposed to a historical past of worldwide politics. This truly written advent to the basic historical past, economics and politics of the ecu Union assumes no past wisdom.
Written from the viewpoint of the manufacturing unit employee and peasant on the flooring point, this research of Russia throughout the Revolution 1917-21 goals to make clear the realities of dwelling via and collaborating in those tumultuous occasions. The e-book is meant for undergraduate classes in historical past, Soviet experiences, and politics.
Josef Stalin exercised superb energy within the Soviet Union from 1929 till his demise in 1953. in the course of that quarter-century, via Oleg Khlevniuk’s estimate, he brought on the imprisonment and execution of no fewer than 1000000 Soviet voters in keeping with yr. thousands extra have been sufferers of famine without delay caused by Stalin's guidelines.
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Extra info for A Sociology of the Soviet Union
However, in my view it fails because, in realising that theoretical priority cannot be given to the physical act oflabour and thus in emphasising the social conditions of labour, the labour theory of value 'allows back in' other determinants of the division of labour without a clear specification of their relevance. In so doing, it not only allows a differentiation of the labourers, but a differentiation of the non-labourers who possess the means of production- namely, the capitalists. The acceptance of the differentiation of capitalists threatens Marx's concept of effective possession of the means of production (whether this is defined as legal ownership or de facto control), since each of the different kinds of capitalist specified by Marx controls some of the conditions of production, and consequently secures a revenue.
In other words, what pattern of differential access to the means of production would prevent some agents from predominating in a fashion which seriously diminished the capacities of other agents? To claim that a situation arises where no set of agents predominates in determining the conditions of access comes close to claiming that the division of labour does not produce differential capacities in economic agents: in other words, that the division oflabour does not produce important effects, and does not really matter.
8 These negative economic aspects of the land redistribution were conceded at the time, but were called inevitable, if the revolution was to retain the support of the peasantry, a view which seems reasonable. Socially, the redistribution led to a diminished size and increased number of families, 9 but some of these were ficticious family splits made to lay claim to more land which was still effectively controlled by the head of the former larger household. Politic ally, the redistribution destroyed the economic base of the opposition to the new government and created active political support for the new regime among the peasantry.